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Declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of Political Ideas
by Carl L. Becker
Product Group: Book
Publisher: Vintage (1958-02-12)
ISBN: 0394700600
EAN: 9780394700601
Dewey Decimal #: 973.313
Binding/Media: Paperback - 316 pages
Release Date: 1958-02-12
SKU: T091915-8105
Condition: Very Good
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Editorial Reviews
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Product Description
The Declaration of IndependenceCarl L. Becker's important study is an analysis of the concepts expressed in the Declaration. Here is a lucid explanation of what the Declaration really is, what views it sets forth, where those views arose, and how they have been accepted or modified by succeeding generations. A book that every American should read.
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Amazon.com Review
When Carl L. Becker's classic study of the text of the Declaration of Independence first appeared in 1922, it marked a great departure from the passionate and patriotic tenor of many existing historical analyses. Becker claims his work was well received by all reviewers save one, who criticized its preoccupation with hard cold documents. In the 1941 introduction to this edition, Becker defends his approach, stating: "I was aware that men had bled and died for freedom.... But on this occasion I chose to write a book about the document itself ... a state paper of sufficient renown to be classed with the world's classics of political literature." Becker describes the rhythm of the first line of the Declaration of Independence as "that felicitous, haunting cadence which is the peculiar quality of Jefferson's best writing." He goes on to define the purpose of the document, its views, where those views arose, and how succeeding generations have accepted or modified them. Chapters such as "Historical Antecedents of the Declaration: The Natural Rights Philosophy," "Drafting the Declaration; The Literary Qualities of the Declaration," and "The Philosophy of the Declaration in the Nineteenth Century" distinguish this book as one of the most complete studies of America's--and arguably the world's--most important historical document.
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Customer Reviews
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We have it in our power to begin the world over again
Rating  (5)
Date: 2007-07-05
3 out of 3 customers found this reveiw helpful
This was a required reading for a graduate humanities class. Carl Becker expertly researched the events leading up to the birth of the Declaration. Carl L. Becker's research on the philosophical influences on the Declaration of Independence is some of the best scholarship on the subject. Becker notes that a by product of the Enlightenment is that "In the eighteenth century as never before, `Nature' had stepped in between man and God; so that there was no longer any way to know God's will except by discovering the `laws' of nature." Not only are the force of the ideas, such as pleas to natural law important, but also how the words sounded to the ear would become equally important for the Declaration to move people to rebellion.
John Locke, Algernon Sidney, and Charles de Montesquieu helped form Jefferson's political and philosophical ideas towards government, public service, and leadership. The Declaration is replete with the Natural Law philosophy of John Locke (1632-1704). David Lundberg and Henry F. May conducted a study of the 92 existing library records from before the revolution, to determine which authors colonists were reading. Their research found that John Locke was by far the most read philosopher in their study. Becker postulated that Locke's ideas had made a significant impression on Jefferson, since he found that the general tenor and phraseology of the Declaration closely followed key sentences from Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Jefferson must have read Locke's work several times to be able to borrow so liberally from them, and to be able to mirror his language so accurately. To illustrate the point, the following is an example of Locke's writing showing just how closely some of the phrases match from his Second Treatise of Government, and the Declaration of Independence.
The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges
every one; and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who
will consult it that, being all equal and independent, no one ought
to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions; for men
being all workmanship of one omnipotent and infinitely wise Maker.
Jefferson's original draft reads.
We hold these truths to be sacred & undeniable; that all men are
created equal & independent; that from that equal creation they
derive in rights inherent & inalienable among which are the
preservation of life, & liberty, & the pursuit of happiness.
The "self evident truths" of the Natural Law philosophy espoused by Locke and enumerated in the Preamble of the Declaration, and found that both, essentially, declared that no person should be subordinated to another because of birth or class standing. In addition, people choose to leave the state of nature on their own free will and consent to be governed by a government of their choosing. Locke's specific concern is, "Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of his estate, and subjugated to the political power of another, without his own consent." Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), a contemporary of Locke's and a political theorist who Jefferson reads, writes in his book, Discourses Concerning Government, "That man is actually free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good." The Declaration's wording is, "that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." These "self evident truths," that government is by consent of the governed, is the beginning of a political reasoning that all British subjects on both sides of the Atlantic came to understand was their right after the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 in Britain, which was the inspiration for Locke's political philosophy.
The other reason for Jefferson to turn to Locke's writings, is his well-known ideas among the colonists regarding the rights and duties of citizens to overthrow an existing government when it ceases to provide for the proper welfare of its citizens. Locke, near the end of his treatise writes:
But if a long train of abuses, prevarications, and artifices, all
tending the same way, make the design visible to the people,
and they cannot but feel what they lie under and see whither
they are going, it is not to be wondered that they should then
rouse themselves and endeavor to put the rule into such hands
which may secure to them the ends for which government was
at first erected.
Jefferson, in the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Declaration takes Locke's words and constructs them thusly:
But when a long train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a
distinguished period, & pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government &
to provide new guards for their future security.
To prove to the world that rebellion was finally justifiable within the framework of Natural Law, Jefferson included a list of twenty-seven "abuses and usurpations" by the king in the Declaration.
The list of abuses by King George III, are an integral part of the Declaration, which proves that the king has, "in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over the States." Becker wrote that the list not only delineates the continued abuses by the king against the colonists, but it also "comprises a list of American political commitments." The next few sentences are a few examples of the twenty-seven charges leveled against the king, and the political commitments that the delegates enacted during their tenure in the Continental Congress. The king was accused of impeding and disrupting the legislative process, and in some cases, dissolving them in the first six charges. These charges are especially important to the colonists, considering their penchant for legislative authority above any other branch of government. The eighth and ninth accusations charge the king with not protecting the judiciary from the interference by the executive branch of government. This idea of a separate judicial branch of government was an idea that was picked up from the French philosopher, Charles de Montesquieu (1689-1755), and would be incorporated in the U. S. Constitution. The king was accused of forcing the colonists to quarter British soldiers in their homes and with disbanding the local militias. Both of these acts were so egregious to the colonists, that they would not soon be forgotten, and a prohibition on quartering soldiers and supporting the militias would become a part of the U. S. Constitution. One can easily see that reading through the list of grievances reveals that it also reads like a bill of rights, which the Continental Congress is declaring to the patriots as values that it will protect. The Declaration also takes umbrage with the king for disregarding the years of legal pleas made to him by the colonists to prevent this long train of abuses from causing such drastic actions as breaking away from the mother country. Becker astutely notes that nowhere in the Declaration is the word Parliament mentioned. All of the grievances listed are blamed on the king, even though they refer to laws enacted by Parliament. This important omission proves that the colonists were never given representation in Parliament. They created their own legislatures in the colonies, since they believed it was the natural right of any group of British subjects under British law to do so. Therefore, on July 4, 1776, after adopting the Declaration unanimously, congress resolves that the title read "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that every member of Congress sign it. Thus, this summary or compact of the eighteenth century American political mind and Enlightenment ideals burst into the world screaming for attention.
As a graduate student in philosophy and history, I heartily recommend this timeless classic to anyone who is interested in political philosophy, and history.
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Terrific insights...
Rating (5)
Date: 2003-04-04
10 out of 12 customers found this reveiw helpful
In high school, kids spend time reviewing the Declaration of Independence and learning its meaning. This book goes well beyond that to inspect the thoughts and ideas that were prevalent in the late 18th century and how they influenced the document. Becker goes into great detail about natural rights theory according to John Locke and explores the ins and outs of its implications. This to me was the strongest and most enjoyable part of the book. He also explores the thoughts and ideas that were circulating Britain at the time. Building on this foundation, he weaves a tale as to why certain things were worded as they were (like Britain being run as a ruthless tyrant), and why certain things were left out altogether (like slavery). He also closely examines the changes that took place in the drafts and attributes them to individuals who proofread Jefferson's draft. I really could have done without his granularity in this area. In all, this was a fascinating read. For those of you who want to extend your knowledge beyond the simple presentation of the document you received in high school, I highly recommend buying this book!
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Vital...
Rating (5)
Date: 2002-11-14
6 out of 9 customers found this reveiw helpful
I have read this book, off and on, several times. It never ceases to amaze me. I tend to be a controversialist and rely upon this book often to help those who seem convinced that the Founding Fathers were of a particular religious persuasion. While foundationally on a personal level this may be true, in general they bowed down to a higher power: Reason. Yet this was not new to them nor were their political theories. Their roots came from somewhere else and that somewhere else was from the European soil they had left.Becker does an awesome job dissecting the Declaration and its influences primarily from Jefferson through Locke. The natural rights philosophy chapter is awesome. This book is over seventy five years old and its arguments have been revisited and even countered but the book is still foundationally necessary for anyone who seeks to study the Declaration of Independence. In terms of studying the Declaration, there is before Becker's book and there is after. There are many revealing insights and oddities that appear when Becker displays the lines that have been cut from the original draft (e.g. notice there is no mention of slavery in the final version; the reasons for its excision are included in the book). These little tidbits opened my eyes a bit to the relatively benign history of this document that I had been taught. A little knowledge is a dangerous thing so have a little fun and check this book out.
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Even though dated, still one of the best on the subject.
Rating (5)
Date: 2000-09-04
28 out of 31 customers found this reveiw helpful
Carl L. Becker's book on the Declaration of Independence first appeared nearly eighty years ago, and yet it is still a valuable and stimulating study of its subject. It is dated now, for two large reasons:First, Becker wrote before the revolution in studying the history of ideas, and thus unavoidably predates the close-focus examination of the controversy between Great Britain and her American colonies in the years from 1765 to 1776. Two recent books should be read alongside Becker's monograph -- Pauline Maier's AMERICAN SCRIPTURE: MAKING THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE (New York: Knopf, 1997; Vintage paperback, 1998), and John Phillip Reid, CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, abridged ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995). Second, Becker focuses on Jefferson as *the* author of the Declaration, neglecting that he was actually the draftsman selected by the Continental Congress and his colleagues within the drafting committee. Thus, the Declaration -- no matter what Jefferson said about it in later life -- was not primarily a window into his own thinking about natural rights and democracy, but rather the final statement by Congress as to the reasons for breaking ties with Britain. To be sure, later generations have read it as an expression of Jefferson's mind -- rather than of "the American mind," as he put it. But, as Maier shows in AMERICAN SCRIPTURE, Jefferson's thinking was nowhere near as unique or advanced on these subjects as later hero-worshipping biographers have suggested. In particular, as Maier has shown, the age-old dispute about whether Jefferson was or was not influenced by Locke is somewhat beside the point. Even so, Becker's fine book is indispensable for deciding whether we should read the Declaration through Lockean or Jeffersonian lenses, and whether we should regard it as a codification of American aspirations or as a hypocritical catalogue of principles we cannot live up to. R. B. Bernstein, adjunct professor of law, New York Law School
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Superb disection of the DoI.
Rating (5)
Date: 1999-06-25
9 out of 11 customers found this reveiw helpful
This easy to read book disects the wording and phrases in all the various drafts of the declaration. It explores the origins of the ideas and phrasing used, and discusses why individual words or complete phrases were changed, added or removed as they were debated first in committee and later by the Continental Congress. This book is commonly cited by other authors. As an example, it serves both as a source for and wonderful companion to Bernard Bailyn's book "The Ideological Origins to the American Revolution"
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